In its relatively short history, the growing literature on epistemic injustice in healthcare has come a long way in highlighting the distinctly epistemic dimensions of medical encounters that can lead to a variety of injustices for patients. Such injustices are often the result of differences in relationships of institutional, professional, and social power (Kidd and Carel 2017, Freeman and Stewart 2024, Stewart and Freeman, 2022).
This literature is mostly focused on how phenomena such as testimonial injustice and hermeneutical injustice render patients epistemically vulnerable. Additionally, it has helped to illuminate some of the ways in which patients from marginalized groups have their epistemic agency constrained, undermined, or ignored as they attempt to make claims about their bodies, identities, or health status to healthcare professionals. However, this literature has only recently started to attend to some of the more subtle, covert, and insidious mechanisms of epistemic dismissal.
In our recently published book, Microaggressions in Medicine, we engage with some of these seemingly subtler forms of epistemic (and other) types of injustice and harm in medical contexts. Let’s zoom out to mention the overall aims and goals of the book before zooming back in to focus on the epistemic dimensions of these injustices.
The two main theoretical aims of Microaggressions in Medicine are to reconceptualize how microaggressions have been understood by psychologists and philosophers and to introduce a new conceptualization of microaggressions that we call a harm-based account.
Our harm-based account categorizes microaggressions according to the kind of harm that results for those who experience them. As such, we propose and argue for the following three kinds of microaggressions: epistemic microaggressions that result in epistemic harm, emotional microaggressions that result in emotional harm, and self-identity microaggressions that result in harms to one’s sense of self.
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| Microaggressions in Medicine (2024) |
There are three applied aims of the book.
- Using first-personal narratives, case studies, and testimonies of patients who are members of marginalized groups, we develop this harm-based account within medical contexts.
- Analyzing these case studies, we illuminate the serious and enduring harms of microaggressions and argue that they can ultimately lead to delaying or avoiding medical care, damaged trust relations with healthcare professionals, and ultimately worse health outcomes for patients who experience them.
- We introduce practical tools and strategies to help healthcare professionals reduce microaggressions in their practices and institutions, thereby diminishing harm caused to patients.
In what follows, and drawing on chapter 4 of the book, we focus on epistemic microaggressions, epistemic harm, and discuss why attending to epistemic microaggressions is an important part of the larger picture of epistemic injustice in healthcare.
In medical contexts, epistemic microaggressions are intentional or unintentional verbal or gestural slights made by healthcare professionals that dismiss, ignore, or otherwise fail to recognize claims that patients make about their bodies or health. Epistemic microaggressions result in epistemic harm to recipients (here, patients), namely, harm to them in their capacity as knowers.
One example of an epistemic microaggression that we develop in the book is the story of what happened to the famous sociologist, professor, writer, and MacArthur “genius” award winner, Tressie McMillan Cottom. Despite her social standing and countless intellectual and academic achievements, as a self-described fat, Black (and at the time, pregnant) woman, Cottom knew that given her identity, she would face an array of discriminations. For this reason, she carefully chose her physicians. Or so she thought.
When she was four months pregnant, bleeding and experiencing acute pain, Cottom knew that something was terribly wrong. Yet when she and her then husband arrived at her doctor’s office, instead of being seen immediately or being sent directly to the emergency department, she was told to sit patiently in the waiting room. When she finally got to see her doctor, he looked at her and quickly said that she was probably just too fat and that for “women like her,” spotting was typical at this stage of pregnancy. She was sent home.
When, later that night, her pain escalated, the on-call nurse assured her over the phone that because the pain was in her bowel and not her lower back, that it was probably constipation and that she should try to go to the bathroom. After three days of such pain and no sleep, Cottom went to the hospital, where she was told that she’d probably just eaten something that was “bad” for her.
When she was four months pregnant, bleeding and experiencing acute pain, Cottom knew that something was terribly wrong. Yet when she and her then husband arrived at her doctor’s office, instead of being seen immediately or being sent directly to the emergency department, she was told to sit patiently in the waiting room. When she finally got to see her doctor, he looked at her and quickly said that she was probably just too fat and that for “women like her,” spotting was typical at this stage of pregnancy. She was sent home.
When, later that night, her pain escalated, the on-call nurse assured her over the phone that because the pain was in her bowel and not her lower back, that it was probably constipation and that she should try to go to the bathroom. After three days of such pain and no sleep, Cottom went to the hospital, where she was told that she’d probably just eaten something that was “bad” for her.
After insisting that she get an ultrasound, it showed the fetus, in addition to two large tumors. Upon seeing this, the nurse scolded Cottom: “You should have said something” (Cottom 2019, 84). Soon thereafter, Cottom went into early labor. She gave birth to her daughter, who died soon after she was born (ibid., 85). While making plans for how to handle her daughter’s remains, another nurse said: “Just so you know, there was nothing we could have done since you never told us that you were in labor” (ibid.).
There are countless microaggressive harms that Cottom experienced. It’s important to underscore however, that the result of those microaggressions was nothing micro. Our analysis focuses on how racialized and gendered epistemic microaggressions combine in ways that are unique to Black women (what we call the misogynoir of microaggressions).
In this case, it was clear that Cottom knew that there was something wrong, tried to convey this knowledge to her healthcare team, and continued to be viewed as lacking credibility with regards to her knowledge of her body. As a result of the entrenched biases and stereotypes about Black women, Cottom experienced a panoply of racialized gendered epistemic microaggressions.
There are countless microaggressive harms that Cottom experienced. It’s important to underscore however, that the result of those microaggressions was nothing micro. Our analysis focuses on how racialized and gendered epistemic microaggressions combine in ways that are unique to Black women (what we call the misogynoir of microaggressions).
In this case, it was clear that Cottom knew that there was something wrong, tried to convey this knowledge to her healthcare team, and continued to be viewed as lacking credibility with regards to her knowledge of her body. As a result of the entrenched biases and stereotypes about Black women, Cottom experienced a panoply of racialized gendered epistemic microaggressions.
As a pregnant Black woman who was bleeding and in pain, her bleeding was attributed to her fatness. Then, her pain in her bowel was dismissed as being the consequences of something “bad” that she’d eaten, where “bad” has racist undertones about the kinds of food that Black people eat. Finally, after the death of her newborn daughter, she was blamed for not having spoken up sooner, with the implication that the death was in part her fault and could have been prevented had she spoken up.
Cottom is powerless relative to the healthcare professionals.
Her knowledge of her body is ignored.
Repeatedly, healthcare professionals assumed they knew better.
On account of her race, gender, and body size, Cottom suffered the epistemic harm of not being recognized as a credible knower, the practical harms of severe physical pain, the death of her daughter, as well as the enduring trauma of the whole experience.
These consequences are macro and tragic. But we are most concerned with the epistemic racialized gendered microaggressions that contributed to them. Cottom’s credibility as a knower was denied due to her race, gender, and body size and as a result, her knowledge claims were ignored or dismissed.
The racialized gendered epistemic microaggressions that Cottom experienced are reflections of imbalances in epistemic and other sorts of social power that themselves mirror broader patterns at play both within and beyond healthcare contexts. Healthcare workers belong to an elite professional class. They’re assumed to have epistemic authority within and beyond that context. They often exert epistemic power over their patients by blocking them from making meaningful contributions to clinical exchanges. This epistemic situation both reflects and reifies assumptions about power in the epistemic domain. For example, it makes clear who creates, controls, and deploys knowledge and who doesn’t; who is “rational” or “objective” and who isn’t (cf. Code 1991).
The epistemic microaggressions on which we have focused, combined with more macro and explicit stereotypes and assumptions about Black women, result in epistemic harms to patients: they’re denied the full status of knower, which is central to human dignity and value (Fricker 2007; Pohlhaus Jr. 2017; Dotson 2011).
Cottom is powerless relative to the healthcare professionals.
Her knowledge of her body is ignored.
Repeatedly, healthcare professionals assumed they knew better.
On account of her race, gender, and body size, Cottom suffered the epistemic harm of not being recognized as a credible knower, the practical harms of severe physical pain, the death of her daughter, as well as the enduring trauma of the whole experience.
These consequences are macro and tragic. But we are most concerned with the epistemic racialized gendered microaggressions that contributed to them. Cottom’s credibility as a knower was denied due to her race, gender, and body size and as a result, her knowledge claims were ignored or dismissed.
The racialized gendered epistemic microaggressions that Cottom experienced are reflections of imbalances in epistemic and other sorts of social power that themselves mirror broader patterns at play both within and beyond healthcare contexts. Healthcare workers belong to an elite professional class. They’re assumed to have epistemic authority within and beyond that context. They often exert epistemic power over their patients by blocking them from making meaningful contributions to clinical exchanges. This epistemic situation both reflects and reifies assumptions about power in the epistemic domain. For example, it makes clear who creates, controls, and deploys knowledge and who doesn’t; who is “rational” or “objective” and who isn’t (cf. Code 1991).
The epistemic microaggressions on which we have focused, combined with more macro and explicit stereotypes and assumptions about Black women, result in epistemic harms to patients: they’re denied the full status of knower, which is central to human dignity and value (Fricker 2007; Pohlhaus Jr. 2017; Dotson 2011).
Because the epistemic contributions of patients who are members of marginalized groups are routinely blocked, over time this can result in patients coming to doubt their own epistemic capacities, especially as microaggressions add up and their harms accumulate (Evans and Mallon 2020). As we saw and as we develop further in our book, epistemic microaggressions can also lead to harmful health and other consequences.
As Cottom’s case makes clear, epistemic microaggressions are harmful to the epistemic status and agency of marginalized patients. A complete understanding of epistemic justice and injustice in healthcare and the myriad ways they manifest must include attention to the subtle epistemic dismissals and indignities that epistemic microaggressions reflect.
As Cottom’s case makes clear, epistemic microaggressions are harmful to the epistemic status and agency of marginalized patients. A complete understanding of epistemic justice and injustice in healthcare and the myriad ways they manifest must include attention to the subtle epistemic dismissals and indignities that epistemic microaggressions reflect.
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| Heather Stewart is Assistant Professor of Philosophy at Oklahoma State University. |
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Lauren Freeman is a Professor of Philosophy at University of Louisville. |
