Wednesday, 5 March 2025

Why agency is not compromised by delusional or conspiracy beliefs

This post is by EPIC investigator Lisa Bortolotti.


Young woman talking about the fact that she just saw a dinosaur

It may be surprising to realise how many researchers from various disciplines are interested in the relationship between clinical delusions and beliefs in conspiracy theories: on the surface, the former often have bizarre contents and signal a psychological disruption to the person's life that is often explained by a psychiatric diagnosis, whilst the latter seem to be deeply embedded in societal debates, are shared by groups (even by entire sub-cultures), and are not usually accompanied by distress.

In a recent paper, I argue that one thing they do have in common is how delusions and beliefs in a conspiracy theory are received. People who report delusional and conspiracy beliefs tend to be excluded from common epistemic projects. What do I mean by that?

Although there is a recognition that all speakers have a unique perspective and interests, and the capacity to pursue goals and make decisions, exploring delusional or conspiracy beliefs is not considered worthwhile. And it is considered a waste of time and resources to engage with people's goals and decisions of people when these are informed by delusional or conspiracy beliefs. That is because, in the eyes of the interpreters, those beliefs do not just happen to be false but undermine the confidence in the speakers' capacity to exercise their epistemic agency. 

But is this stance justified? I argue that it is not. It is a mistake to think that the presence of a belief that has some characteristics (e.g., a belief that we find implausible but that the speaker holds onto strenuously and identifies with) is sufficient reason to doubt the capacity of the speaker to exercise their agency. Rather, the endorsement of a delusional or conspiracy belief is usually a direct manifestation of the speaker's epistemic agency.

When do we endorse beliefs that are deemed delusional? When we have an unusual experience that demands an explanation. When we attempt to impose meaning on a confusing and distressing reality. When we need to manage overwhelming emotions to avoid an entire paralysis of agency. When we make sense of unexpected and distressing events. When we intend to show loyalty or affiliation to groups characterised by a certain ideology. When alternative explanations seem somehow unavailable or disempowering to us.


Two young women talking and smiling to each other


There are many reasons why people may endorse a belief that appears implausible to others and yet becomes important to how they see themselves and the world around them, to the point that it becomes difficult to give up the belief or recognise the strength of the evidence against it. But there is no good reason to think that the belief formation process or its outcome are themselves signs of irremediable irrationality or even of a pathology.

As I show in the paper, many of the cognitive biases and psychological needs that have been identified as antecedents of delusions and conspiracy theories characterise human belief formation more generally, though their influence can be heightened in some people due to background knowledge and reasoning style, or to their experience of adverse and stressful circumstances.

What does this have to do with epistemic injustice, you may ask. I think it is at the core of it. Epistemic justice is not achieved when people believe each other's testimonies uncritically or accept that all hermeneutical resources are equally good. Rather, epistemic justice is achieved when all epistemic agents are treated as such, and not as broken records, puppets or sheep: their views are not dismissed before being explored, but they are listened to with interest and curiosity. Agreement is not the goal, engagement is. 


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